Legitimating Alien Rule

In his talk, Hechter suggests that alien rule can become legitimate to the extent that it provides governance that is both effective and fair. Governance is effective to the degree that citizens have access to an expanding economy and an ample supply of culturally appropriate collective goods. Governance is fair to the degree that rulers act according to the strictures of procedural justice. These twin conditions help account for the legitimization of alien rulers in organizations of markedly different scales. These principles to the legitimization of alien rulers in states (the Republic of Genoa, 19th and 20th century China, and modern Iraq), colonies (Taiwan and Korea under Japanese rule), and occupation regimes, as well as in less encompassing organizations such as universities (academic receivership), corporations (mergers and acquisitions), and stepfamilies. Finally, Hechter will speculate about the possibility of an international market in governance services.Ohio State UniversityMershon Center for International Security Studiesevent web page, event photo

The acute-to-chronic workload ratio:An inaccurate scaling index for an unnecessary normalisation process?

BACKGROUND: Problematic use of alcohol and other drugs (AOD) is highly prevalent among people living with the human immunodeficiency virus (PLWH), and untreated AOD use disorders have particularly detrimental effects on human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) outcomes. The Healthcare Effectiveness Data and Information Set (HEDIS) measures of treatment initiation and engagement are important benchmarks for access to AOD use disorder treatment. To inform improved patient care, we compared HEDIS measures of AOD use disorder treatment initiation and engagement and health care utilization among PLWH and patients without an HIV diagnosis. METHODS: Patients with a new AOD use disorder diagnosis documented between October 1, 2014, and August 15, 2015, were identified using electronic health records (EHR) and insurance claims data from 7 health care systems in the United States. Demographic characteristics, clinical diagnoses, and health care utilization data were also obtained. AOD use disorder treatment initiation and engagement rates were calculated using HEDIS measure criteria. Factors associated with treatment initiation and engagement were examined using multivariable logistic regression models. RESULTS: There were 469 PLWH (93% male) and 86,096 patients without an HIV diagnosis (60% male) in the study cohort. AOD use disorder treatment initiation was similar in PLWH and patients without an HIV diagnosis (10% vs. 11%, respectively). Among those who initiated treatment, few engaged in treatment in both groups (9% PLWH vs. 12% patients without an HIV diagnosis). In multivariable analysis, HIV status was not significantly associated with either AOD use disorder treatment initiation or engagement. CONCLUSIONS: AOD use disorder treatment initiation and engagement rates were low in both PLWH and patients without an HIV diagnosis. Future studies need to focus on developing strategies to efficiently integrate AOD use disorder treatment with medical care for HIV

Friends or foes? migrants and sub-state nationalists in Europe

How do sub-state nationalists respond to the growing presence of cultural diversity in their ‘homelands’ resulting from migration? Sub-state nationalists in Europe, in ‘nations without states’ such as Catalonia and Scotland, have been challenging the traditional nation-state model for many decades. While the arguments in favour of autonomy or independence levelled by these movements have become more complex, sub-state nationalist movements remain grounded by their perceived national community that is distinct from the majority nation. Migration to the ‘homeland’ of a sub-state nation, then, presents a conundrum for sub-state elites that we label the ‘legitimation paradox’: too much internal diversity may undermine the claim to cultural distinctiveness. We engage with three common intervening variables thought to influence how sub-state nationalists confront the ‘legitimation paradox’: civic/ethnic nationalism, degree of political autonomy, and party competition. Our overarching argument is that none of these factors have a unidirectional or determinate effect on the sub-state nationalism-immigration nexus, which is why the nuanced case studies that comprise this Special Issue are worthwhile endeavours

Invisible Diaspora?:English Ethnicity in the United States before 1920

The article presents an examination into the English population of the United States during the 19th and early 20th centuries, examining their ethnic identity as a diaspora community. Introductory details are given noting the relative lack of attention given to English Americans as an ethnic group. Topics addressed include reasons behind the invisibility of the English immigrant identity in the U.S., the existence of English ethnic organizations, and an overview of their activities

Power-sharing: Institutions, Behavior, and Peace

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Wiley via the DOI in this record.Replication Materials: The data, code, and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this article are available on the American Journal of Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/3DK6JAGrievances that derive from the unequal treatment of ethnic groups are a key motivation for civil war. Ethnic power-sharing should therefore reduce the risk of internal conflict. Yet conflict researchers disagree on whether formal power-sharing institutions effectively prevent large-scale violence.We can improve our understanding of the effect of power-sharing institutions by analyzing the mechanisms under which they operate. To this effect, we compare the direct effect of formal power-sharing institutions on peace with their indirect effect through power-sharing behavior. Combining data on inclusive and territorially dispersive institutions with information on power-sharing behavior, we empirically assess this relationship on a global scale. Our causal mediation analysis reveals that formal power-sharing institutions affect the probability of ethnic conflict onset mostly through power-sharing behavior that these institutions induce.Funding: Swiss National Science Foundation (Grant No. 105511- 143213; PI: Cederman, Hug, and Wucherpfennig), the National Science Foundation (Grant No. Q2 SES-081950766b; PI: Strøom), and the Norwegian Research Council (196850/F10; PI: Gates)

SDM:A New Data Set on Self-determination Movements with an Application to the Reputational Theory of Conflict

This dataset, of self-determination movements (SDMs) with universal coverage for the period from 1945 to 2012, corrects the selection bias that characterizes previous efforts to code SDMs and significantly expands coverage relative to the extant literature. For a random sample of cases, we add information on state–movement interactions and several attributes of SDM groups. The data can be used to study the causes of SDMs, the escalation of self-determination (SD) conflicts over time, and several other theoretical arguments concerning separatist conflict that have previously been tested with incomplete or inferior data.The creators request that the associated paper is cited in place of this dataset